Luxury Fashion Brands in China:
MEDIA SENSITIVITY TO CHINESE CONSUMERS
Following its formal establishment of a market economy in 1992, China has seen an enormous surge in overall wealth. Contemporary China poses as a global power on the world stage; cities like Shanghai and Beijing stand alongside London, Paris, and Tokyo. Landscapes of towering skyscrapers denote a radically changed China post-Mao. China’s new-found wealth, particularly amongst a growing middle class with a surplus of cash, has attracted the attention of foreign luxury brands, particularly Western luxury brands. Growing wealth amongst the Chinese suggests a growing taste for luxury goods which Western luxury brands appear eager to take advantage of. Notable among Western luxury brands include luxury fashion brands. Beyond just clothing, luxury fashion brands sell shoes, jewelry, perfume and cologne, handbags, and leather goods. While the current Chinese consumer may appear equally eager to purchase luxury fashion as brands are to sell, one must note that not all consumers are created equal. The typical Chinese consumer does not act the same as Western consumers; to dismiss the distinctions between the two kinds of consumers wholly dismisses the agency of consumers who adhere to different social systems. While both the Chinese consumer and Western consumer exist within market economies, the Chinese consumer exists within a socialist nation uniquely tied to five thousand years of history. Although, the Chinese consumer does not simply survive within this nation—the Chinese consumer operates w ithin it. Rather than living passively, the Chinese consumer actively exists within China’s guiding boundaries—both literally and figuratively. If the goal of firms is to profit, Western luxury fashion brands must navigate within such boundaries sensitively. To act sensitively is to recognize the social nuances of the Chinese consumer, particularly when communicating through media—whether digital or non-digital.
China’s rich history contextualizes how Chinese people operate as consumers. The country’s history of philosophies and social orders move fluidly throughout everyday Chinese life. One aspect of Chinese history that permeates throughout the life of the Chinese consumer is Confucianism. Confucianism philosophy emphasizes the importance of relationship, or guanxi, particularly in regard to hierarchy and social standing (Sun and Guo 2014, 53). In Confucian culture hierarchy is revered, therefore should one want to climb up the hierarchy and raise his or her own social status, one must conform to group norms (Sun and Guo 2013, 121). This connotes the active role of collectivism that informs Chinese consumers. Working with the backdrop of group norms defined by collectivism demands Chinese consumers’ attention to mianzi (面子), or “the notion of Chinese social face” (Sun and Guo 2013, 121). Mianzi “is used interchangeably with success and status” and “inspires [comparison] with others in the social hierarchy” (Sun and Guo 2013, 121). The connotation of mianzi to the physical face of one’s body highlights Chinese people’s intense degree of adherence to hierarchy and group norms.
The notion of mianzi drives Chinese consumers to look to luxury fashion to maintain or raise social status. Luxury goods symbolize success and good taste as defined by group norm expectations (Sun and Guo 2013, 121). Because luxury goods come at a high price, Chinese consumers are particularly value-conscious. As a result, Chinese consumers are more likely to favor well-known brands (Ko and Megehee 2012, 1395). Because the connotations of success and taste of well-known brands are more likely to be recognized by those within the hierarchy, products of such brands have a higher value to Chinese consumers. Chinese consumers are more willing to pay for these products imbued with brand prestige, social/emotional value, aside from utilitarian value (Ko and Megehee 2012, 1398). With this, Chinese consumers striving to express group belonging rather than detachment tend not to value being unique (Sun and Guo 2013, 135). However, this does not mean Chinese consumers wish to all appear identical. Sun and Guo’s definition of unique suggests an appearance not recognized as connoting success or good taste by group norms. They allude to Chinese consumers wanting to align with a universally-recognized appearance of success and good taste.
Media serve as the gatekeepers of what constitutes success and good taste. Fashion media in particular equate success with “designer style, vogue, and brand names” (Sun and Guo 2014, 60). Whether digital or non-digital, fashion media do so by presenting depictions of beauty, career success, and social status as purchasable (Sun and Guo 2014, 56). In the Chinese social context, Chinese consumers may move up the social hierarchy by purchasing the products imbued with notions of ‘the good life’ by fashion media’s depictions. Fashion media, therefore “perpetuate a general norm” by equating the wise choice with the popular choice (Hartley and Montgomery 2009, 66). Because fashion media have the potential to decide which depictions of success characterize the general norm, fashion media wield influence over who may rise within social hierarchy and how. Therefore, Western luxury fashion brands must proceed with sensitivity when working with fashion media in order to profit. Wildly unattainable depictions of success or images that offend the Chinese consumer may prove detrimental to brands.
2005 debut cover of Vogue China by Patrick Demarchelier
A prominent example of fashion media operating in the Chinese market is fashion magazine Vogue China. Launched in 2005, Vogue China has set new standards of fashion in the realms of photography, styling, and design for China (Hartley and Montgomery 2009, 61). Hartley and Montgomery (2009, 61) note that the release of Vogue China links China “more closely to the international fashion system”. This highlights Western luxury fashion brands’ considerable influence in China over depictions of success in print media. However, this does not mean Western luxury fashion brands may simply display whatever it-bag or perfume in the hands of successful women and expect flocks of Chinese consumers to purchase such products. This ignorantly removes agency from the Chinese consumer—a prime example of insensitivity. This calls for Western luxury fashion brands to exercise sensitivity in its media use. While Vogue China does facilitate a considerable degree of influence from Western luxury fashion brands, these brands must depict its products appropriately in a Chinese context. In its debut issue, Vogue China made sure to feature “partnership with local players” rather than strictly foreign imports. This depicted Australian model, Gemma Ward, alongside five Chinese models including Du Juan and Wang Wenqin against the backdrop of a Chinese skyline. Hartley and Montgomery (2009, 71-72) also note that the issue’s main feature, ‘Shanghai Diary’, features the models, of either White or Asian descent, in Western luxury fashion ranging from designs from Italian brand, Prada, or Gibraltar-born designer, John Galliano. Led by Chinese-native editor-in-chief, Angelica Cheung, Vogue China’s debut issue demonstrated great sensitivity between Western luxury fashion brands to Chinese consumers. By creating an image of success denoted by Western luxury fashion on Chinese models against a Chinese backdrop, Vogue China literally showed what the general norm should look like for Chinese consumers; and it literally showed how mianzi should look.
Western luxury fashion brands should not just exercise sensitivity through print for the sake of its readers. Fashion media, magazines especially, serve as a source of inspiration and information for “designers, fashion buyers and fashion stylists” (Hartley and Montgomery 2009, 68). As a result, the sensitivity in creating depictions of success in Vogue China flow out and into other realms of fashion, further perpetuating the general norm. Given the fashion industry’s natural collectivist disposition, Western luxury fashion brands have an increased incentive to operate with sensitivity as collectivism magnifies within the Chinese market setting.
A common way the fashion media imbues success into a product is by depicting that product with a celebrity. Fashion magazines feature celebrities on covers and fashion brands feature celebrities in advertising campaigns. Mukta Ramchandani and Ivan Coste-Manière (2012, 93) note that celebrities promote positivity toward products and brands. Perceptions of wealth, success, and admiration from celebrities imbue into products a brand’s image (Ng 2013, 261). This occurs because beyond seeing just a physical depiction of a product, consumers see the aspiration tied to it (Ramchandani and Coste-Manière 2012, 96). In China, local celebrities have increasingly come into prominence due to their considerable influence over Chinese consumers. Among these local celebrities are fashion bloggers. Because of their foundation on social media, fashion bloggers play a crucial role in luxury brand communication and the brand’s public image (Ramchandani and Coste-Manière 2012, 96).
Local Chinese fashion bloggers are fantastic models, both literally and figuratively, for Western luxury media brands. Not only do they present an image of success in the same manner as the models of Vogue China, but they also establish direct guanxi with Chinese consumers. They serve as social media diplomats mediating overall guanxi between Chinese consumers and Western luxury fashion brands. Emphasized in China’s history as previously mentioned, guanxi establishes inner circles or “clan-like networks” which establish “individuals’ observance and adherence of social norms” (Holmes, Balnaves, and Wang 2015, 16). By setting the social norm, guanxi aims to establish harmony in the relationship. Kyle Holmes, Mark Balnaves, and Yini Wang (2015, 16) note that guanxi “is well recognized as a factor in the success or failure of business in China”. This is because strong relationships between customers and brands and products “lead to stronger brand loyalty” as Mark Ng (2013, 256) explains. This highlights the importance of Western luxury fashion brands in maintaining a relationship sensitive to Chinese consumers. The establishment of guanxi between the two parties particularly requires an understanding of the latter party by the former. Western luxury fashion brands must recognize what Chinese consumers value and how that perceived value may be commodified.
Coach, an American luxury fashion brand known for leather goods, demonstrates success in maintaining guanxi with Chinese consumers through its sensitive media approach. Through social media marketing, Coach has established brand loyalty with Chinese consumers making it one of the top five brands in China (Ng 2013, 257). Ng (2013, 256) notes that social media provides “useful information and responsive services” twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. More excitingly, social media facilitates interaction between “high-status...designers and models,” and allows brands to “create a unique brand experience for customers” by taking advantage of the Internet’s video and music (Ng 2013, 256). Clearly, social media is key for a brand’s survival in China’s competitive market economy.
By utilizing these features across Chinese social media platforms like Renren, Youku, and Weibo, Coach successfully established a unique brand image of quality for Chinese consumers. This brand image comes across well on Coach’s Weibo account. Coach’s Weibo account featured posts that described the brand’s history, craftsmanship, and aesthetic with a humanistic approach according to Ng (2013, 259). Ng (2013, 259) mentions a series of early posts introducing both its American and Chinese management and designer teams. Informing Chinese consumers of the brand in an approachable way establishes brand loyalty. With strong loyalty in place, Coach’s Weibo went on to feature representers of success—models and celebrities—in up to 19 percent of their total posts (Ng 2013, 259). Of this 19 percent, 12.64 percent were international celebrities and 6.74 percent were Chinese celebrities (Ng 2013, 259).
To continue building its brand image and Chinese social media following, Coach introduced its ‘Red Pocket’ campaign. This activity appealed to Chinese culture by allowing social media users to send blessings to friends during the Chinese Lunar New Year who then had to open them on Coach’s Weibo platform, increasing the brand’s social media exposure (Ng 2013, 260).
As a result of Coach’s media sensitivity to Chinese consumers—tenderly socializing Chinese consumers on the brand’s image, smartly featuring celebrities conducive to social status symbolism, and facilitating guanxi between its customers—Coach established a larger, enduring guanxi between itself and Chinese consumers. Revenue increases of 43.5 percent and 33.4 percent in 2011 and 2012 respectively reflect the success of Coach’s sensitive social media marketing (Ng 2013,258). Such increases also reflect the consolidation of Coach’s presence as a Western luxury fashion brand in the Chinese market (Ng 2013, 258).
In strict contrast to Vogue China, Italian brand Dolce & Gabbana has recently displayed insensitivity to the Chinese consumer—leading in a hard blow to the brand. In November, Dolce & Gabbana released several short videos on Weibo to promote an upcoming fashion show in Shanghai. The videos feature a Chinese woman in a red sparkly dress with embellished jewelry “attempting to eat pizza, spaghetti, and cannoli” of massive proportions with chopsticks (Xu 2018). Along with Chinese folk music and a Mandarin voiceover that mockingly pronounces the brand’s name incorrectly, Dolce & Gabbana employed racist stereotypes in attempting to appeal to Chinese consumers on social media (Xu 2018). After rendering Chinese culture as a caricature, Chinese social media users were quick to retaliate. Many pointed out explicit racism and some called for boycott (Xu 2018). Anger amongst Chinese social media users exploded after designer Stefano Gabbana described China with five poop emojis and as an "ignorant dirty smelling mafia" in a direct message to an Instagram user (Xu 2018). Naturally, the direct message was screenshotted and circulated throughout Chinese social media (Xu 2018). This resulted in a cancellation of the Shanghai fashion show and widespread boycotts from everyday Chinese social media users and celebrities (Xu 2018). Clearly, Dolce & Gabbana demonstrated gross insensitivity to Chinese consumers through social media. Whatever guanxi Dolce & Gabbana may have once had with its Chinese consumers had completely severed.
Given the example of Dolce & Gabbana, the magnitude of Chinese media as social tools is clear. Although, brands should also be cognizant of Chinese social media’s technological disposition. At its minimum, Chinese social media are technological products—meaning subjugation to the Chinese government’s technological policies. In particular, censorship is a main policy of the Chinese government. Much foreign social media is blocked in China; although, this may actually benefit foreign brands. Censorship of foreign platforms by the Chinese government funnels Chinese consumers onto Chinese social media platforms. As a result, the number of consumers exposed to the capabilities of Chinese social media is consolidated. Notable of Chinese social media is its integration of payment systems. WeChat, an online blogging platform, has its own payment system and Weibo, a Twitter-like platform, allows users to directly purchase items in “just four or five clicks” (Doland 2018, 0024). With regular access to such easy payment methods, the distance between a brand’s presentation of success and the Chinese consumer’s ability to purchase it is shorter than foreign social media counterparts. Therefore, Chinese social media given their technological capabilities and backing by the Chinese government is crucial for a brand’s success.
To reiterate, China in the 21st century post-Mao has wealth—and the West wants a part of it. Despite undergoing social turmoil during the Cultural Revolution, China emerges today maintaining a collectivist social structure that lays intense importance on hierarchy, in-groups, and the general norm. To either maintain or move up the social hierarchy requires a reflection of success in one’s mianzi and simultaneously highlights the desire for group belonging rather than detachment. In-groups and collectivist action agree upon the proper representation of success. Often times, people look to commodified products, particularly luxury fashion goods from Western luxury fashion brands to denote success. Should Western luxury fashion brands want a piece of China’s 21st-century wealth, these brands must exercise sensitivity to the Chinese consumer—recognizing the agency of the Chinese consumer.
To further conclude, the Chinese consumer actively operates within China’s collectivist social structure stemming from the nation's rich history. Clearly, the Chinese consumer uniquely differs from Western consumers, and Western luxury fashion brands should treat them accordingly—especially since these brands wield the power to set the general norm and perpetuate it. Vogue China and Coach have done immensely well in using fashion media sensitively to construct the social norm by integrating Western and Chinese influences. In contrast, Dolce & Gabbana’s gross insensitivity failed to do so. When executed sensitively, Western influence connotes the symbols of success integral to mianzi—the Prada and Galliano clothing in Vogue China, the international celebrities featured on Coach’s Weibo. Simultaneously, the Chinese influence also connotes the symbols of success integral to mianzi— Du Juan and Wang Wenqin against the backdrop of a Chinese skyline, Coach’s ‘Red Pocket’ campaign. Whether digital or non-digital, fashion media can facilitate strong guanxi between consumer and brand. Through sensitivity, consumer-brand guanxi may be commodified—much to the delight of Western luxury fashion brands. Quite superficially, profit and therefore market access remain the sole driver of brands’ care for a nation’s culture. Although, the end result suggests a potentially symbiotic relationship in which firms profit while people enjoy upward social movement. Whether upward social movement proves beneficial or to society or not is beyond the scope of this paper. Nonetheless, a firm’s desire for profit does not go without a sliver of humanism.
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